While Angela Merkel avoided political campaigning for much of the election, as it became increasingly clear that her party was trailing in the polls, she went after her centre-left deputy with an old attack line.
“With me as Chancellor, there would never be a coalition in which the Left is involved. And whether this is shared by Olaf Scholz or not remains to be seen,” Merkel said in late August.
Scholz also had criticism for Die Linke — the Left Party — but stopped short of completely rejecting the possibility of a coalition with them. He told German daily Tagesspiegel the far-left party would be required to commit to NATO and the transatlantic partnership.
It’s now been a constant attack line from the Christian Democrats in what some say is a last-ditch effort to grab moderates on the fence between Merkel’s centre-right party and the centre-left Social Democrats, who are leading in the polls.
Voters see “behind” the attack line from the CDU, said Dr Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck at the University of Mannheim, as it is “so old hat”.
Schmitt-Beck added it was a “sign of desperation” the CDU was resorting to this attack line once again as candidate Armin Laschet has failed to galvanise voters, polls show.
A possible governing coalition?
Although experts say a coalition involving the far-left Die Linke is not what Social Democratic leader Scholz wants, he is not likely to completely rule out the possibility.
That’s because if current polling is correct, the future government coalition in Germany will need to be formed with three political parties for the first time, meaning the Left Party has never been closer to receiving a possible spot in a coalition.
The party is currently polling at around 6% nationally, making them the sixth most popular political party in the country.
Die Linke party co-leader Susanne Hennig-Wellsow even told German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung in early September: “The window was as wide open as ever before. When if not now?” in regards to a possible coalition with the Social Democrats and Greens.
Many saw her words as demonstrating the party’s high hopes and preparations for entering government.
But while the current Left Party has become more mainstream since it was officially formed in 2007 – its direct historical ties to communism and hard-left foreign policy might forever keep it out of government.
Communist history and hard-line views
Die Linke was formed as a merger of two parties: the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) and a newer Labour and Social Justice party. The PDS is the direct successor of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, the communist party that ruled in East Germany from 1946 to 1989.
“There are many people in Germany who see this legacy as a big problem,” said Dr Thorsten Holzhauser, research associate at the Theodor Heuss House Foundation in Stuttgart.
“On the other hand, the party has been de-radicalising for a couple of years or even decades now. It’s shifted towards a more left-wing social democratic profile in the last years, which is also something that many people have recognised.”
But Die Linke is quite polarised internally with more moderate politics in East Germany and more radical voices in some West German regions.
While a younger generation of voters is more connected to the social justice issues and hot political topics such as the climate, feminism, anti-racism and migration, other parts of the party appeal more to populism and compete with the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), experts say.
The party currently has one state minister-president: Bodo Ramelow in Thuringia.
But some of the party’s hard-line foreign policy views make it an unlikely choice for a governing partner.
“The party always said that it wants to get rid of NATO, and it is a party that stems from East Germany, from a very pro-Russian political culture, a very anti-Western political culture, so this is in the DNA of the party,” says Holzhauser.
Die Linke wants Germany out of NATO and no foreign deployment of Germany’s military, the Bundeswehr.
“We will not participate in a government that wages wars and permits combat missions by the Bundeswehr abroad, that promotes armament and militarisation. In the long term, we are sticking to the vision of a world without armies,” the platform reads.
Die Linke also rejects treating Russia and China as “enemies” and wants closer relations with both countries.
‘Unlikely’ to join a coalition
“There is a chance. It’s not a very big chance, but there is a chance (Die Linke could join a coalition),” says Holzhauser, yet traditionally the “scare tactics by Conservatives have been very strong at mobilising against a left-wing alliance”.
Die Linke, which used to poll ahead of the Greens and Alternative for Germany (AfD) could have a problem garnering support in the future, he said, as it becomes less of a populist party and more establishment.
“While in the past, Die Linke has been quite successful as a somewhat populist force that mobilised against the West German political establishment, nowadays, the party is more and more part of the establishment,” says Holzhauser.
“For many voters, especially in East Germany, it has successfully integrated into the German party system. So this is the flip side of the coin of its own success, that it is getting more integrated and established but at the same time it loses attraction as a populist force.”
On social issues, it’s more likely to have similar demands to the Greens and Social Democrats, however, including a wealth tax and higher minimum wage. They are platform ideas that haven’t come to fruition in the current SPD/CDU coalition.
But whether that means they will enter government remains to be seen, despite the perceived high hopes of the party’s leaders.
